Patna: The 2025 Bihar Assembly elections have once again highlighted the decisive role of the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) in shaping the state’s political landscape. Despite limited economic progress over the past two decades, the EBCs largely remained loyal to the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), reaffirming the enduring influence of Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and his carefully crafted social coalition.

For Bulbul Devi, a worker at Jeevika Ki Rasoi — a canteen operated by Jeevika Didis in Tarapur, the constituency from which Bihar’s deputy chief minister Samrat Choudhary won — government support has been a lifeline. She belongs to the Tanti Samaaj, one of roughly 112 castes classified as EBCs, a group that comprises 36% of Bihar’s population according to the 2022 caste census and subsequent 2023 report. Nearly 10% of Muslims also identify as EBCs, leaving Hindu EBCs at about 26% of the population, making this the state’s largest single voting bloc.

In the months leading up to the elections, Pan Samaaj leader I. P. Gupta held a meeting in Tarapur, warning that the EBCs might be reclassified under the broader Other Backward Class (OBC) category. The Tanti Samaaj quickly clarified their stance, and the warning did not sway voters. “There is no fear now. We live a life of dignity,” said Kaushalendra, a night guard, reflecting the confidence that many EBCs feel under the current administration.

The EBC category itself is widely recognized as a product of Nitish Kumar’s political strategy. Initially conceptualized under the 1978 reservation policy by Karpoori Thakur, the classification was later expanded by Kumar to improve the reach of welfare programs and consolidate political support. Despite modest economic improvements over his two decades in power, the EBCs’ electoral behavior has remained consistent. Bulbul Devi and Kaushalendra, like many in their communities, voted for the NDA not only in 2025 but in previous elections, driven by a combination of loyalty to Kumar and apprehension toward the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD).

Kumar’s enduring appeal lies in a blend of social engineering and broad-based goodwill. By uniting EBCs, Mahadalits, and non-Yadav OBCs, he has created a coalition that is difficult for opposition parties to challenge. Women, too, have consistently backed his leadership, further strengthening his position. Even as seat tallies fluctuate, Kumar’s influence remains a key determinant of power in Bihar.

The opposition Mahagathbandhan, comprising the RJD, Congress, and allies, attempted to woo the EBC vote with targeted initiatives. The alliance released a 10-point ‘Atipichhda Nyay Sankalp’ ahead of the elections, promising several measures for EBC communities. A notable proposal was the ‘EBC Atrocities Prevention Act’, modeled on the SC/ST Act, aimed at curbing discrimination and violence. The manifesto also included plans to increase reservation for EBCs from 20% to 30% in panchayats and municipal bodies, and to establish separate quotas in educational institutions and government contracts.

The Mahagathbandhan’s strategy also involved consolidating numerical strength among EBC subgroups. The example of the Nishad community demonstrates the potential of political mobilisation through numerical consolidation. The community, which brings together roughly 22 castes such as Mallah, Noniya, Bind, and Kevat, accounts for about 9.8% of Bihar’s population, according to the 2022 caste survey. VIP founder Mukesh Sahani was declared the alliance’s deputy chief ministerial candidate to appeal to this bloc. However, the strategy largely failed, as Sahani’s party trailed in all 15 constituencies it contested.

While isolated pockets, such as Kalyanpur, witnessed some EBC voters breaking away from the NDA, the overall trend was a strong consolidation of support. BJP leader Vinod Tawde highlighted this outcome, stating, “All people cutting across caste lines voted for us. The EBCs, which are a prominent force in nearly 110 Assembly seats out of 243, stood behind us.” This robust backing was instrumental in the NDA’s electoral success and ensured that Kumar retained decisive influence in Bihar politics.

The 2025 elections underscore that EBCs’ voting behavior is shaped less by economic outcomes than by a combination of social identity, political loyalty, and perceived dignity under governance. Nitish Kumar’s decades-long cultivation of goodwill, particularly among marginalized groups, remains a cornerstone of his political strategy. By securing the allegiance of the EBCs, Kumar has reinforced the NDA’s dominance, maintaining its control over the state’s governance and policymaking for the coming term.

In sum, the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections reaffirm the strategic importance of EBCs. Despite opposition attempts to mobilize this electorate through promises of enhanced rights and legislative measures, the EBCs largely supported the NDA, reflecting the effectiveness of Kumar’s long-term political coalition-building and the central role of these communities in determining electoral outcomes in Bihar.